MUDA MENTALIDADE BUKA KADEIRA NO OSAN SAI OBJETIVU FORMA PARTIDU

Indonezia nia lisaun barak konaba modelu lideransa ne’ebé nia atitude koruptu. Kuaze sistema kontrola ne’ebé mak sira forma LAOS ona sai sasukat hodi limiti buat ne’ebé mak tuir lolos ha-lakon publiku nia direitu. Lideransa ninia moral hodi kaer-ukun sai prekupasaun ema barak tamba lei hamriik iha lei leten no instituisaun ne’ebé harii hodi halo prevensaun mos infrenta difikuldade oi-oin momentu halo nia knar. Valor Integridade atu lakon ona iha tempu dadaun tamba ambiente ne’ebé ita hela-ba no siklu pesoal kaer ukun ne’ebé la-dook husi kultura koruptu. Intelektual lubun mos prekupa-ho sistema rekrutamentu partidu ne’ebé sei fo fatin ba ema sira ne’ebé involve iha kazu/krimi tamba deit razaun demokrasia. Kondisaun ida nee, hatudu katak nein partidu tuan nomos partidu foun nia objetivu mak kadeira LAOS UKUN HODI SERVI POVU.

Oinsa Timor Leste? 32 (sei iha tan) partidu politika no kalkulasaun katak total votus ne’ebé sei haksesuk malu iha 2017 ± 800 mil i rata2 ita distribui ba numeru partidu ne’ebé iha kada partidu hetan 25 mil. Se ita dada situasaun nee representa ema nain rua tuur parlamentu nacional, no nain 3 hodi tuur iha governo saida mak akontece iha tempu tuir mai? Premeiru; modelu nee potencial boot reflete  mentalidade buka kadeira LAOS UKUN. Atetude politika nee hatudu ona katak sai-tama partidu buat normal tamba demokrasia, i reflete mos kultura la-pasencia/ansi hodi tuir kaderizasaun partidu ne’ebé lori tempu. Hau nia observasaun no opiniun katak ema sira ne’ebé ha-mosu partidu foun hanesan mos troka faru deit i nia isin nafatin deit (publiku bele hare rasik). Movimentu elite sira nee haburas duni demokrasia, maibe ameasa ba desenvolvimentu estado tamba wainhira husik hela partidu ida ba partidu seluk hanesan mos harii nia vizaun ohin aban muda tan fali vizaun seluk (povu sai konfuzaun LA-IHA INTEGRIDADE). Publiku  asiste ona, oinsa sira nia prosesu harii partidu!!!

Fofoun sira forma uluk opiniun hodi koalia at partidu ne’ebé sira husik hela (partidu tuan), ema sira nee halo ataka hahu husi lider partidu too nia militante no hotu ida nee sira dehan “AMI NIA PARTIDU FOUN”, sidauk involve iha ukun no sei virgen. Los duni partidu foun maibe ema ne’ebé harii partidu foun duni? Atetude nee rasik halo duvida i ema sira nee nia integridade sai pontu de vista ba publiku hodi fiar liliu atu lori estadu ba futuru? Pratika buka kadeira seluk, wainhira kaer ukun mak projetu bele fahe ba malu depois bele fa’an tutan too kualidade projetu fa’an hotu. Nemos kestaun ne’ebé akontece iha ita kultura politika, sira ne’ebé kaer-ukun asegura-liu grupu/partidu nia interece duke kadeira nain (povu). Iha funsaun publiku mosu kaderizasaun partidu liu husi rekrutamentu (ita rekruta depois Komisaun Funsaun Publiku legaliza) tamba antes tuur iha kadeira kompremisu lao tiha ona. Kaderizasaun refere ha-kotu politika hasa’e produsaun agrikultura hela-ho material no fini ne’ebé mak distribui laos bazeia lista agrikultor maibe bazeia lista partidu politika(hare rezultadu saida?). Mentalidade sira nee hotu presija muda hodi forma konsencia ukun nain iha atetude servi laos ibun maibe realidade.  Ho tempu ne’ebé mak ita atravesa, hahoris mos lisaun ne’ebé mak ita aprende hodi muda mentalidade no atetude Timor Oan kaer ukun diak nakonu ho responsablidade.

source: http://crispinperreira.blogspot.com/2016/09/elite-ekonomia-bokur-onadraft2.html

Estatutu Tasi Timor

Guteriano Neves

Peskizador iha Prezidensia da Republika

Introdusaun

Iha fulan hirak nia laran, asuntu Tasi Timor mosu no domina fali ona notisias sira iha rai laran no iha Australia. Notisia sira iha rai laran, partikularmente, foka ba Tratadu ikus liu nian mak Certain Maritime Arrangements in the Timor Sea (CMATS). Dala barak, tuir hau nia observasaun, iha komprensaun ne’ebé dala ruma la los, no la kompletu kona ba prosesu ida ne’e no hamosu konfuzaun barak iha públiku. Iha tempu hanesan, mosu mos pergunta barak iha públiku kona prosesu ida ne’e. La’o Hamutuk rasik, ONG ida ne’ebé fo analiza komprensivu kona ba asuntu ida ne’e update informasaun kona ba prosesu tomak ne’ebé akontese iha tinan ida nia laran liu hosi sira nia pajina Website http://laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/CMATSindex.htm.  Iha loron 10 fulan Marsu 2014, Tom Clarke husi ONG Timor Sea Justice Campaign iha Australia hakerek artigu ho titulu “Timor’s Oil” ne’ebé publika iha http://rightnow.org.au/writing-cat/article/timors-oil/ lori fo deskrisaun istóriku ida kona ba prosesu ne’e. Iha media internasional, iha ona artigu lubuk ida ne’ebé hakerek fo deskrisaun kona ba oinsa prosesu lao too agora, maibé barak liu hare hosi perspetiva Australia nian. Infelizmente, iha Timor-Leste rasik, diskusaun no komentariu sira ne’ebé iha tendensia atu hare hosi perspetiva ida deit, falta de deskrisaun klaru kona ba oinsa prosesu too agora, no tratadu hira ne’ebé asina ona nem mensiona. Iha âmbito diskusaun ida ne’e, hau hakerek artigu ida ne’e lori bolu fila fali ita nia memoria kona ba saiad mak akontese ona durante tinan 40 nia laran.

Hosi Tratadu Timor Gap to’o Tratadu CMATS: Deskrisaun Istoria ida

Koalia kona ba asuntu Tasi Timor, nu’udar essensia ida atu ita hotu tau ba konsiderasaun katak prosesu ida ne’e komplexu tanba riku soi mina no razaun geo-strategis seluk. Segundu, iha prosesu atu hetan solusaun ba Tasi Timor, iha ona tratadu lubuk ida ne’ebé mosu, komesa hosi kona ba fronteira tasi okos – Seabad Boundary – entre Australia no Indonezia to’o CMATS, entre Australia no Timor-Leste. Tanba ne’e, ita sei labele komprende CMATS ho komprensivu, se ita la komprende tratadu sira ne’ebé antes ne’e asina ona, hanesan Tratadu Timor Gap, Tratadu Tasi Timor, Akordo Unitizasaun Internasional, no CMATS no oinsa tratadu sira ne’e impaktu ba fronteira maritima entre país rua. Terseiru, atu komprende CMATS, ita presiza komprende kontextu ida ne’ebé mak CMATS asina, no nia impaktu ba kestaun Fronteira Maritima. Parte ida ne’e fornese deskrisaun badak kona ba prosesu ida ne’e, foka partikularmente ba Tratadu sira asina ona.

Dezde 1970 e tal too agora, iha ona akordu lubuk ida ne’ebé mak Indonezia, Australia no Timor-Leste asina lori regulariza no rezolve problema Tasi Timor. Em jeral, akordu sira ne’e la fo solusaun permanente ba Fronteira Maritima entre Timor-Leste no Australia. Primeiru mak iha tinan 1972, Governu Indonezia no Australia hetan Akordu kona ba Fronteira Tasi Okos – Seabed Boundary Agreement. Akordu ida ne’e bazeia ba prinsípiu Continental Shelf, ne’ebé em vigor iha tempu ne’eba. Australia rasik to’o agora, sei prefere prinsipiu ida ne’e tanba favorese liu Australia nia pozisaun. Portugal ne’ebé sai nu’udar administrador kolonial iha tempu ne’eba la hola parte iha negosiasaun ida ne’e tanba prosesu ba UNCLOS la’o hela iha tempu ne’eba. Ho nune’e, ba Portugal, diak liu hein liu internasional mak defini duke liu hosi prosesu negosiasaun. Tanba Portugal la partisipa, espasu ida iha Tasi Timor la rezolvidu. Espasu ida ne’e mak ikus mai hanaran “Timor Gap.”

Depois Indonezia invade Timor-Leste iha 1975, no iha 1979, komesa negosia kona ba Timor Gap. Depois tinan sanulu negosiasaun, iha 1989, Australia ho Indonezia asina Tratadu Timor Gap. Ba Timor, importante katak Tratadu Timor Gap estabelese Zona Kooperasaun – Zone of Cooperation (ZOCA) entre país rua; zona ida ne’e ikus mai haran JPDA. Bazeia ba Tratadu Timor Gap,  Australia ho Indonezia fahe rendimentu hosi ZOCA hanesan; 50-50. Iha razaun polítika relasiona ho okupasaun Indonesia nian iha Timor mak sai hanesan fundasaun ba iha akordu ida ne’e. Hanesan autor barak hakerek ona, ho akordu ida ne’e, Australia hetan benefisiu komersial, no Indonezia hetan rekoñesementu ba ninia okupasaun illegal iha Timor-Leste.

Depois administrasaun Indonezia nian remata iha 1999, iha loron 10 de Fevereiru 2000, UNTAET ne’ebé administra Timor-Leste durante periodu tranzisaun asina Nota Intendimentu – Memorandum of Understanding – ida ho Australia lori kontinua fali akordu Timor Gap. Em prinsipiu, laiha mudansa iha Nota Intendimentu ne’e. Buat ne’ebé muda mak naran Indonezia troka de’it ho Timor-Leste. Iha 5 de Jullu, 2001, Untaet hamutuk ho Dr. Mari Alkatiri asina Aranjamentu Tasi Timor – Timor Sea Arrangement ­­– ho Australia hodi troka Nota Intendimentu antes ne’e. Laiha mudansa ba buat seluk; Arranjamentu ida ne’e aumeta Timor-Leste nia rendimentu hosi 50 ba 90 hosi rendimentu upstream nian, no husik. Katak invez de 50-50. Ho aranjamentu ida ne’e, Timor-Leste sei hetan 90% no Australia hetan 10% husi JPDA. Akordu rua ne’e nonok kona-ba area ne’ebé la tama iha JPDA, hanesan Laminaria-Corallina, ne’ebé to’o agora Australia hetan tokon $200 kada tinan. Iha

Antes Timor-Leste restora fali ninia independensia, iha 21 de Marsu, 2002, Australia dada an sai hosi prosesu internasinál atu rezolve fronteira Maritima nian, UNCLOS. Ida ne’e taka dalan ba parte rua atu uza mekanizmu internasional lori rezolve Fronteira Maritima.

Iha 20 de Maiu 2002, wainhira Timor-Leste restora tia ninia independensia, Timor-Leste no Australia asina Tratadu Tasi Timor. Provizaun importante balu ne’ebé presiza deskreve iha ne’e. Primeiru, artigu (4) hosi Tratadu Tasi Timor kontinua ho fahe rendimentu 90 – 10. Segundu, Tratadu ne’e mos estabelse Timor Sea Designated Authority (TSDA) ne’ebé ikus mai transforma ba ANP. No Terseiru, artigu (22) defini kona ba durasaun Tratadu ida ne’e, ne’ebé atu too tinan 30. Artigu ida ne’e mos garantia kompañia sira katak sira nia atividade sei la hetan impaktu, maski Tratadu Tasi Timor la vigor ona.

Tratadu Tasi Timor define no regula kona ba prosesu dezenvolvimentu iha Area Dezenvolvimentu Petroleum Konjunta – Joint Petroleum Development Area. Area seluk ne’ebé la defini mak Greater Sunrise, Buffalo no Laminaria Corallina, ne’ebé besik liu Timor-Leste, no hanesan legalista barak argumeta ona, tuir prinsipiu liña media nian, sira ne’e 100% Timor nian. Espesifiku ba Greater Sunrise, kadoras ida ne’e komplikadu tanba ninia pozisaun rasik mos komplikadu. 20.1% hosi Greater Sunrise tama tia iha JPDA no 79.9% iha JPDA nia liur. Maibé atu dezenvolve Greater Sunrise, presiza halo ida de’it. Ho realidade ida ne’e, Australia ho Timor-Leste presiza akordu ketak ida atu lori defini Greater Sunrise.

Artigu (9.a) hosi Tratadu Tasi Timor hateten katak “Any reservoir of petroleum that extends across the boundary of the JPDA shall be treated as a single entity for management and development purposes.” Interpretasaun simples hosi ne’e katak rezerva Petroleum nian balu ne’ebé mak tama parte balu tama iha JPDA tenki trata hanesan entidade ida atu fasilita jestaun no dezenvolvimentu.  No artigu (9.b) hateten katak “(b) Australia and East Timor shall work expeditiously and in good faith to reach agreement on the manner in which the deposit will be most effectively exploited and on the equitable sharing of the benefits arising from such exploitation.” Katak Australia no Timor-Leste tenki servisu ho lalais no iha “Good Faith” atu hetan akordu iha ne’ebé kadoras ne’e sei exploita no fahe benefisiu ne’ebé hanesan hosi atividade exploitasaun ida ne’e.

Anexu E. pontu A hosi Tratadu Tasi Timor defini ona katak Timor-Leste no Australia konkorda atu unitiza Greater Sunrise bazeia ba ninia pozisaun jeografika; katak 20.1% iha JPDA no 79.9% JPDA nia liur (Anexu ne’e hateten katak atribui ba Australia). Ho baze ida ne’e, komesa Jullu 2002, Australia no Timor-Leste komesa ronde negosiasaun kona ba IUA. Prosesu negosiasaun ida ne’e komplexu, no involve saida mak Senador Bob Brown hosi Partidu Verde Australia nian bolu “Blackmail”  Governu Australia ba Timor-Leste. Termus ida ne’e Senador uza lori esplika aktu Australia nian ne’ebé mak Australia lakoi ratifika Tratadu Tasi Timor, hodi nune’e halo atrasa dezenvolvimentu Bayu Undan, to’o Timor-Leste asina IUA. Ho realidade katak Timor-Leste presiza osan lalais, atrasa iha dezenvolvimentu Bayu Undan, sei iha impaktu maka’as liu ba Timor.

Parte rua asina Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional – International Unitization Agreement (IUA) iha loron 6 de Marsu 2003; maibé maski Parlamentu Australia nian ratifika IUA iha 29 de Marsu 2004, Governu Timor-Leste la submete IUA ba Parlamentu Nasional atu ratifika.

Ida ne’e taka tia dalan ba prosesu negosiasaun. Ba kompañia ne’ebé mak hetan kontratu iha Greater Sunrise, ida ne’e, sei afekta sira nia interese. Ba sosiedade sivil sira ne’ebé servisu halo kampaña maka’as iha tempu ne’eba, ba sira, defini uluk Fronteira Maritima mak importante liu duke negosiasaun kona ba faha rendimentu. Ida ne’e relasiona ho integridade teritorial Timor-Leste nian.

Iha Oitubru 2002, parte rua komesa fali negosiasaun kona ba Unitizasaun Sunrise. Depois prosesu negosiasaun ne’ebé naruk, to’o ikus mai, Australia ho Timor-Leste asina akordu CMATS iha loron 12 de Janeiru 2006. Provizaun importante balu ne’ebé importante hosi CMATS mak tuir mai ne’e. Primeiru, artigu (5.1) hosi CMATS define katak parte rua tenki fahe rendimentu hanesan hosi exploitasaun upstream Sunrise nian. Segundu, Artigu (12.1). hateten katak Tratadu dia ne’e sei vigor to’o tinan 50; signifika katak artigu ida ne’e troka fali artigu (22) hosi Tratadu Tasi Timor nian. Kuatru, artigu (12.2) fo mos kondisaun kona ba oinsa tratadu ida ne’e bele suspende kondisaun rua: (1) wainhira planu dezenvolvimentu seidauk aprova iha tinan nen nia laran, komesa hosi loron ne’ebé CMATS tama vigor, no (2) wainhira seidauk produz iha tinan sanulu nia laran, komesa hosi loron ne’ebé tratadu ne’e vigor. Bazeia ba artigu (12.2.1), CMATS nia periodu termina ona iha 8 de Marsu 2013. Maibé to’o agora, seidauk iha parte ida mak  husu atu halo suspensaun ba CMATS. Signifika katak, CMATS sei vigor hela.

Hosi akordu sira ne’e, laiha ida mak rezolve kestaun fronteira maritima. Akordu sira ne’e, por natureaza, iha karakter komersial maka’as liu; katak oinsa atu dezenvolve kadoras mina sira iha Tasi Timor no oinsa atu fahe rendimentu duke atu determina Fronteira Maritima permanente entre país rua. Tanba ne’e, to’o agora, país rua seidauk iha Fronteira Maritima. Pelu kontrariu, Akordu CMATS bandu parte rua, Timor-Leste no Australia atu koalia kona ba fronteira Maritima durante tinan 50 nia laran no bandu parte rua atu halo meius rua atu estabelese fronteira maritima durante periodu ne’e. Hanesan Jefrey J. Smith, legalista ida hosi Canada esplika iha Questions and Answers in the Matter of CMATS, http://laohamutuk.org/Oil/Boundary/CMATS_QA_JJSmith.pdf, “the Treaty is expressly not a maritime boundary treaty. It is a joint or shared area development treaty. The Treaty prohibits both States from making any effort to establish maritime boundaries over either a continental shelf division or an exclusive economic zone at any time during its term.”

Dezde inísiu, hanesan negosiasaun iha ne’ebé de’it, país boot, riku, no forte, iha kilat musan barak liu atu uza. Asaun Australia nian lori sai hosi prosesu legal internasional nian taka tia dalan ba parte rua atu uza mekanizmu internasional. Iha tempu hanesan, ho faktus katak Timor-Leste la iha osan, ida ne’e favorese ba Australia. Timor-Leste laiha opsaun viavel seluk, so deit bele hein no depende ba rendimentu hosi Tasi Timor. Australia uza ida ne’e ho diak wainhira haka’as Timor atu asina Akordu Unitizasaun Internasional, se lae Parlamentu Australia la ratifika Tratadu Tasi Timor. Katak wainhira Tratadu Tasi Timor la tama vigor, Timor sei la hetan osan lori finansia ninia atividade dezenvolvimentu. Prosesu ida ne’e mak to’o ikus mai hanaran Blackmail.

Iha prosesu negosiasaun, involve mos grupu solidaridade barak mak hola papel impotante lori muda opiniaun públiku iha Australia. Grupu sira hanesan Timor Sea Justice Campaign, East Timor Action Network iha Estadus Unidus da Amerika, intellectual no akademiku sira, kaer papel lori muda ema barak nia hanoin, liliu iha Australia. Ba Timor, no mos ba grupu solidaridade sira, negosiasaun ida ne’e hanesan husu Governu Australia atu rekoñese direitu sira ne’ebé mak Timor iha bazeia ba prinsipiu internasional. Tanba ne’e, iha prosesu negosiasaun hosi 2002 to’o 2006, kampaña barak halo somente husu Australia atu iha “Good Faith” iha prosesu negosiasaun. Maibé ida ne’e la akontese. Tanba ne’e, wainhira Timor no Australia asina CMATS, organizasaun Timor Sea Justice Campaign konsidera ne’e hanesan “Another Chapter of Australian Foreign Policy Betrayal.” Tuir estimasaun La’o Hamutuk nian iha tempu ne’eba, ho CMATS, signifika katak Timor-Leste hetan deit 60% hosi 100% ninia direitu tuir prinsipiu internasional.

Maibé hosi perspetiva Governu Australia, ho akordu sira ne’e, manifesta Australia nia jenerosidade ba povu Timor-Leste. Iha ninia submisaun ba Parlamentu Australia nian, Governu Australia hakerek katak “It is in Australia’s interest to create a long-term stable legal environment for the exploration and exploitation of petroleum resources in the Timor Sea between Australia and East Timor, without prejudicing either country’s maritime claims in the Timor Sea.”

Maibé ba parte ne’ebé suporta definisaun fronteira maritima, liliu grupu sosiedade sivil sira, asegura stabilidade longu-termu nian entre Australia no Timor-Leste diak liu mak determina fronteira maritima permanente. Grupu ne’e mak kontra argumentu Australia nian katak saida mak Australia halo nu’udar atu karidade ida ba viziñu Timor-Leste. Ba sira saida mak Timor husu mak ninia direitu ne’ebé rekoñese liu hosi mekanizmu internasional sira.

Hare ba estratejia Australia nian, hanesan prova ona hosi arkivu istoriku sira katak Australia dezde inisiu suporta Indonesia ninia okupasun, tanba hosi perspetiva Australia, negosiasaun ho Indonezia facil liu ba Australia kompara ho negosiasaun Timor-Leste ida ne’ebé independenti.

To’o agora, CMATS sei vigor. Problema ne’ebé foun mosu katak Timor-Leste “hanesan” foin diskobre iha fim 2012 katak Australia halo atu espionajem ba Timor-Leste durante iha prosesu negosiasaun. Timor-Leste uza provizaun Tratadu Tasi Timor nian, ne’ebé hateten kona ba parte rua tenki negosia ho “good faith” atu invalida CMATS, atu nune’e bele negosia fali parte CMATS ida ne’ebé bandu parte rua atu labele koalia kona ba Fronteira Maritima.  Iha inísiu, Timor-Leste hakerek karta ba Australia atu diskuti kona ba asuntu ida ne’e, maibé Australia rejeita. Iha Abril 2013, Timor-Leste komesa prosesu arbitrajem, husu atu invalida tia CMATS tanba laiha “good faith” iha negosiasaun. Maski ida ne’e la’os buat foun, maibé atu hare hosi parte estratejia, hanesan Edward Rees, iha intervista ho Journal the Guardian hateten http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jan/23/timor-leste-v-australia-analysis,Timor koko foti vantajem hosi eventu global rua; kazu Wikileaks no kazu Snowden.

Australia halo asalta lori foti dokumentus sira no kaer tia eis intelijensia no Australia nian ne’ebé sai testamuña ho razaun seguransa nasional Australia nian. Depois de hatama keixa, iha loron 17 de Dezembru 2013, iha loron 3 de Marsu 2014, Tribunal hasai desizaun prelimnaria husu Australia atu taka metin dokumentus ne’e.. Kazu ida ne’e kona deit ba dokumentus ne’ebé mak Australia foti. Hanesan karta hosi Timor-Leste nian ba ICJ, hakerek, “The facts underlying this request case set forth in the Application and, in summary, are as follows. On 3 December 2013 officers of the Austra1ia.n Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), acting under warrants issued by the Attorney-General of Australia attended an office/residence in Canberra at 5 Brockman Street, Nasrabundah, in the Australian Capital Territory, Australia and seized documents, data and other property which belong to Timor- Leste and /or which Timor-Leste has the right to protect under international law (‘the documents and data’) from those premises. The owner of the above-mentioned official residence is Legal Adviser to and a Legal Representative of the Government of East Timor.” Importante atu nota katak desizaun ICJ ida ne’e laos kona estatuta CMATS, la’os kona ba pipeline, e laos kona ba Fronteira Maritima.

Konkluzaun

Artigu ida ne’e hanesan informasaun kona ba antesente, prosesu, no tratadu sira ne’ebé asina ona. To’o agora, CMATS sei vigor, maibé seidauk klaru kona ba oinsa atu dezenvolve Sunrise. Desizaun tribunal ne’ebé iha, husu Australia atu taka metin dokumentus ne’ebé mak Australia foti. Kona ba estatuta CMATS rasik, ho evolusaun ida agora nian, maski legalmente, CMATS sei vigor, kestaun mak oinsa atu dezenvolve Greater Sunrise.  To’o ikus, parte rua mak tenki tur hamutuk atu negosia fila fali. Kestaun mak Australia sei hakarak ka lae atu tur hamutuk fali lori negosia, e se atu negosia karik, atu negosia kona ba saida.

Importance of Maritime Security for East Timor By Xanana Gusmao

If we want to address the issue of security and stability in the South China Sea and elsewhere, we are talking about common borders, common threats and common challenges.

And when we discuss all these problems, we all assume that everyone of us is governed by international law, without which relationships between states and governments cannot be carried out within a framework of rules, set and accepted by all. These rules seek to shape our political behavior in terms of cooperation.

Without establishing this set of principles, to which all of us bow, which is to say that we all vow to enforce it, talking about maritime security and stability would be talking about very vague and general policy issues, while this subject is linked directly with the individual interests of each country.

In many cases that divide countries, it is plain to see there is a practice of double standards, usually by those that have more means to spend on propaganda, on alienation and on the pursuit of interests that exceed their rights and breach the interests of others. More often than not, demagogy covers the attempts against the values to which we all are committed.

Only a sound basis of respect for international law can rule cooperative relationships between neighbors and within a regional context. Otherwise, there will always be an environment of distrust causing frictions and leading to warnings and responses to those warnings, which may lead to confrontations.

This situation causes apprehension to those who have little or nothing to do with the problems, since it may lead to possible political, social and economic impacts that will always disturb states, particularly when they are having difficulties in their development processes.

Today, maritime security covers large- and small-scale activities.

We understand that a trend in our region is to protect commercial maritime interest, amid rising regional tensions and according to defense analysts, maritime surveillance is the most pressing need in East and Southeast Asia.

In our opinion, maritime cooperation would have a meaning of more deterrence, if we want to put it like that.

East Timor is an island country (better yet, a half-island country). As such, the sea is of paramount importance when discussing the country’s security strategy.

East Timor loses over $50 million a year in illegal fishing. My government is also concerned with the security of it’s future petroleum exploration facilities in the sea. As such, East Timor wants to strengthen it’s maritime component to put an end to illegal fishing and to protect its interests and the investments it has.

The strengthening of the maritime police and the naval component, through providing them with proper resources, will surely increase certainty and confidence in regard to our country’s maritime security.

East Timor, which has only been an independent state for the past 12 years, is therefore prioritizing it’s needs, from the human capacity building to the construction of the necessary facilities.

In addition to this, it is obvious that having adequate means, in our exclusive economic zones, will enable us to participate in fighting the trafficking of arms and drugs as well as illegal trade.

East Timor is currently in the process to joining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. As small as my country is, we do not harbor illusions of grandeur that we will make enormous contributions to the region’s maritime security. However, we recognize the need for active cooperation with all who are close to our maritime borders.

Here, I should say that we are talking with Indonesia in relation to the islands closest to us, and with Australia in relation to the Northern Territory, in order to draft an agreement on an integrated development plan.

Fortunately, everything suggests that there is enormous goodwill from all parties, which are motivated by the perspective of broader cooperation that results in concrete benefits for the people.

Evidently, maritime security will be very important in an area that we may call an economic, social and cultural sub-region. However, in order for this cooperation to be honest and serious, it is vital that we determine the maritime borders between countries, under international law, in a clear manner without subterfuges of any kind.

It is truly offensive to see how some countries, because they are large, wealthy or heavily armed, are always the ones that are more unfair to their neighbors, particularly when those neighbors are small and poor.

International law is always invoked, in the pronouncements made in relation to other countries. But international law is simply relegated or forgotten, when it is to ensure major economic benefits at the expense of the principle of fair policy and of the universal values of equal rights and obligations between people and nations.

As a new country that is still consolidating state institutions and where most people still lack the minimum conditions for living healthy lives, we can only raise our voice to make sure that there must be true justice in the world, particularly in this new millennium.

We only became a full-fledged member of the United Nations in September 2002, while many other countries signed the UN Charter in 1945, when the organization was created and, from time to time, it happens that they are called for relevant positions, including in the Security Council.

In a way, we only can get confused and stunned thinking about how international law may prevail when the ones who do not respect it, would be the ones making decisions in these important world bodies. The intricate reasons of the Cold War have now led to a sophisticated culture of manipulation and fraud, seeking to alienate the unwary and the unprepared.

I have to say, once for all, that we are and will always be committed to standing for the truth, with the same spirit we had, in the past, when many believed that East Timor was a lost cause. We will stand for our rights with the same faith and determination, in order to contribute to justice between nations and better understanding between people.

And we believe that the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea should play an effective role in solving the differences.

For a country as small as mine, talking about maritime security, whether in terms of joint exercises or information sharing, will never solve and may even permanently hinder the vital issue of the delimitation of the maritime borders.

It is fundamental to us, more so when neighbors buy drones to secure their ocean resources and protect their borders.

We firmly believe in the motto “times change, wills change.” I would like to quote the former US secretary of state for defense, Robert Gates, who, in an honest way of putting things in regard to a different matter, acknowledged “the lack of humility to accept there was no forecast on the negative consequences,” resulting from decisions made only to display arrogance and power.

Globalization binds small countries and makes them hostage to their own weaknesses, when competing in the global market. However, globalization also presents valuable opportunities, when properly considered, for small countries to denounce the lack of good faith by the large countries, the lack of honesty by the powerful countries and the policy of manipulation by the rich countries.

Let the effort in fighting transnational crimes not allow other interests, particularly in terms of economic dominance, to cast a shade over the relationships between countries and the cooperation that should exist between nations.

Xanana Gusmao is the prime minister of East Timor. This article is based on his speech at the Jakarta International Defense Dialogue on March 19.

source: http://www.thejakartaglobe.com/opinion/importance-maritime-security-east-timor/